Can CPP win in 2016? By Ade Sawyerr


Since Ivor Greenstreet won a spectacular election to become the CPP flag bearer, I have been asked this question by several people who know my passion for the Party that is Supreme but who also know that I am honest in my writings about the party. So I have been wondering what it really takes to win a presidential election in Ghana.

For instance if it is about the number of times the candidate stands then we have a clear winner because Edward Mahama is running his fourth campaign after taking a break in 2012 for Hassan Ayariga to run.  Nana Akufo Addo is on his third run, and so is Paa Kwesi Nduom, but Atta Mills won on his third run after changing his running mates each time.  If Abu Sakara were to make good his promise to run as an independent and Hassan Ayariga gets his party registered, then they will join, Henry Lartey and John Mahama in making their second run except that John Mahama won on his first attempt.  Rawlings also won on his first attempt and Kufour on his second after changing running mate.  So it not about the number of times you run.

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Rexford Dodoo – Lecture given on 9th April 2011 at GaDangme Nikasemo Asafo

The transformation of property rights in the Ga state.

As Firman Sellers states in her book the transformation of property rights in the Gold coast, she defines property rights as “the power to limit the ability of other persons to enjoy the benefits to be secured from the use and enjoyment of material good”. The enforcement of those rights gives one actor, the rights-holder, the economic profit from a given source. It also gives that actor the power to exclude all others from using that resource in any capacity. As we can all see this is in conflict with the theory of rights that has been described above that there is no hierarchy in the rights to land.

She further states that the transformation of property right redistributes both wealth and power. The process is inherently prone to conflict.  Individuals and groups in society likely will mobilize to articulate a new, definition of property rights that are favourable from a distributional point of view (and so claim a privileged place in society), or defined against a change in the already favourable status quo. These people may lobby state actors directly to capture the state’s coercive power and enforce their preferred property rights system. Or, they may seek to create an alternative source of authority, enforcing property rights privately or at a local level. In either case, the subjects’ actions are a crucial determinant of which property rights system is enforced, and whether that system is secure. The state alone does not dictate the outcome. Continue reading “THE RIGHTS AND PROBLEMS ASSOCIATED WITH GA LANDS -Part 2”

Is this the promised re- awakening of the CPP?

Feature Article
Is this the promised re- awakening of the CPP?
By: Sawyerr, Ade, (2007-10-01)
CPP Reg Chairman Fleischer
A few years ago there was a lot of talk about the demise of the CPP; that it was dying a slow death and that it had become irrelevant for the country and its people. One argument rehearsed is that, for a small nation such as Ghana a third party is a luxury that the country could ill afford. So the conclusion by those are that even though we wish for a maturing and deepening democracy, right and left thinking people should abandon their convictions and take their places in the NDC and the NPP.

But sound thinking people have had to make a robust defence of the party and to state that the CPP will win through with its policies and programmes. There are however those in the press who thought that we were merely whistling and the wind and that the people of Ghana were unlikely to take ever take any notice of the party.

Two years on things have slowly started to change and the party seems to be turning the corner in the perception of the mass of the people. A week is certainly a long time in politics and the past two years have not been exactly squandered by the party faithful as they have kept the name alive.

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Politically motivated trials are bad for democracy

Feature Article of Sunday, 31 March 2002 Next Article

Politically motivated trials are bad for democracy


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Several issues arise out of the Tsatsu Tsikata’s challenge on the constitutionality of the Fast Track Court that have implications for the course of justice in Ghana. My intention here is not to discuss the legality or otherwise of the reasoning behind the rulings, but to flag up the dangers in the course and direction of present administration of justice. I would also caution that if the judiciary process is seen to be politicised or used for political purposes, the whole country will be the loser and the cause of democracy will be perverted. For some reason however, I am confident that this danger will be averted.My good friend, Mr Tsikata, and his lawyer, my senior brother, evoked the constitution to challenge the legality of the FTC. I am sure that they were quite aware of what was in the constitution. They now realise how flawed the document is and are conscious, as most Ghanaians will soon be, that the process of putting together that document was flawed. The constitution we have, was delivered to us by a military government that cobbled together a mass of individuals, many of whom were chosen directly by them, under a non-democratic constituent assembly.
The document should have been stillborn, but Ghanaians were too tired of a military regime to dispute the many flawed articles. We agreed the constitution because we wanted to return to multiparty democracy within the shortest possible time. Some of the glaring flaws are the lack of democracy at the basic ward level for for choosing representatives to the assemblies. Others include the inferior status accorded to Ghanaians abroad by the lack of franchise and the stripping some native born Ghanaians in the Diaspora of their citizenship.


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Who makes the news?

News – Accra Daily Mail

Who makes the news?
Is it the government, the opposition or the press?

Posted: Monday, August 04, 2003 – Ade Sawyerr

Ade Sawyerr takes on the government, the opposition and has some good words for the media

The role of the media in an emerging democracy has been topical in recent months. The debates have been interesting. Some newspaper editors have been accused of making the headlines in the news with exaggerations, under-researched stories and blatant gossip items.

When these unsubstantiated stories and stories without solid foundation have concerned government politicians and officials, the press has been accused of mischief and not looking after the national interest.

The moralist argument has been about the need for the press to be responsible and professional in the way they carry out their duties.

Some purists have gone as far as to say that the press must not only be accredited, but that a professional standard, achieved only after long years of training, must be set, before a professional journalist must be permitted to ply their trade.

One would normally expect the press to check and recheck a story and even offer the subject of “interesting news” an opportunity for rebuttal before publication, but the press would not really be able to check every story, and minor exaggerations such as my being described as a “CPP stalwart in London”, which I am not, will continue especially if no malice is imputed.

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The case for preventive detention under Nkrumah


The case for preventive detention under Nkrumah

Ekow Nelson and Professor Michael Gyamerah

Part I – Introduction

For all the criticism Nkrumah endured from much of the Western press and the opposition in Ghana, he did not kill any political opponents nor did he massacre groups of people opposed to him. Indeed in his often cited work – “Ghana without Nkrumah-The Winter of Discontent”, Irving Markovitz acknowledges that although “[t]here was considerable unrest and dissatisfaction, several assassination attempts against Nkrumah, and constant rumors of coups…[Nkrumah’s] government … made conciliatory gestures toward its opponents both within and outside its ranks, and showed every sign of having attained a durable balance of interests.”  Markovitz concludes, in a piece published two months after Nkrumah’s overthrow amidst a flurry of the wildest allegations, that by the time of the coup in 1966 “Ghana was neither a terrorized nor a poverty-stricken country”.

In any discussion about Nkrumah, however, the narrative of his critics quickly gravitates toward detention without trial, a derogation from the principle of habeas corpus which was neither unique to Ghana nor without precedent even in advanced democracies of the United States and United Kingdom or a large democracy like India, whose own Prevention Detention Act provided the template for Ghana’s version.

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